Last June, the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) nearly scuttled the release of Udta Punjab. The board’s boss Pahlaj Nihalani, one-time purveyor of Bollywood potboilers, ordered as many as 89 cuts to the film. The issues that the film addressed were too contentious for mass consumption, he ruled. The makers of Udta Punjab dragged CBFC to court – and won. The Mumbai high court overturned the censor board directive. The film hit the screens with only a single excision
Did the verdict upholding artistic freedom tame the “learned” Nihalani? Not one whit. This self-appointed guardian of “Indian culture” – whose loyalty to those who gave him the job borders on the slavish – has now turned his ire towards two other films – Alankrita Shrivastava’s Lipstick Under My Burkha (Hindi title: Lipstick Wale Sapne) and Jayan Cherian’s Ka Bodyscapes – for endangering the glory of our great country
Lipstick Under My Burkha has bagged several international awards, but has failed to cut any ice with CBFC. It has been denied a censor certificate because “the story is lady-oriented, their fantasy above life”. Go figure! It is perfectly all right for women to be projected as objects of desire on the big screen, but any exploration of their own desires is a strict no-no for the moral police masquerading as the censor board.
Lipstick Under My Burkha stars Konkona Sen Sharma and Ratna Pathak-Shah, among others. It follows four women – a hijab-wearing college girl, a young beautician, a mother of three, and a middle-aged widow – who throw caution to the wind as they seek to discover/ rediscover their sexuality amid widespread social conservatism. CBFC is seeking to put the film down on the grounds that it has “sexual scenes, abusive language, audio pornography and a bit sensitive touch (sic) about one particular section of society”. This kind of paternalistic policing of films makes little sense in light of the fact that moviegoers in this country are subjected to much worse day and in out – and not just inside a cinema hall.
The producer of Lipstick Under My Burkha, Prakash Jha, himself a veteran director with a history of run-ins with CBFC, has said: “This sort of problem will persist as long as some people are given the power to censor or edit a filmmaker’s work. We have to get past censoring and talk about certification.”
That is precisely what was recommended in April last year by the Shyam Benegal Committee that the government set up to suggest ways to bring the Cinematograph Act, 1952 in line with the changing times. The report was submitted nearly a year ago, but the government has yet to make any concrete move to implement the suggestion, leaving Nihalani free to ride roughshod
About CBFC’s ruling on Lipstick Under My Burkha, Benegal has said: “I am totally against any kind of censorship.” This is in keeping with the thrust of the report that the Dadasaheb Phalke Award winner and his committee submitted to the then information and broadcasting minister Arun Jaitley. It reads: “CBFC should only be a film certification body whose scope should be restricted to categorizing the suitability of the film to audience groups on the basis of age and maturity…” Venkaiah Naidu has since taken charge of the ministry and the report seems to have been forgotten.
Ka Bodyscapes, a controversial Malayalam film made by a New York-based director who is known to push the boundaries of politics and sexualities, hasn’t benefitted from the liberal censorship approach advocated by Benegal simply because it still isn’t in place. Jayan Cherian’s film has been denied a certificate because, in the words of CBFC, it “glorifies homosexuality”.
The film has been also been accused of “vulgarity, depicting Hinduism in a derogatory fashion and showing a female Muslim character masturbating”. In a letter to the filmmaker, CBFC lists its objections to Ka Bodyscapes: the film has references to Hindu organizations indirectly, “which is unwarranted”; it has nudity accentuating vital parts of the male body (in paintings); and Lord Hanuman is shown in poor light as gay.
With Nihalani having cast himself in the role of a cultural and moral arbiter, Cherian has sought legal redress. He says: “Nowhere in the film is Hanuman depicted as gay. Just because an apparently homosexual man worships Hanuman, it doesn’t mean he is gay.”
Eventually, it isn’t so much about what is acceptable and what isn’t as about the right of a filmmaker to expect the censor board to have members who have enough exposure to cinema to be able to see a film in its overall artistic context and judge its elements accordingly. Says Cherian: “The real virtues of democracy are lost when there is no space for a voice to say something that the system doesn’t approve of.”
Calling CBFC regressive and reactionary would be an understatement. There is politics at play here and any film that runs counter to the collective wisdom of the establishment is destined to face trouble. Since Nihalani took over the reins of CBFC in early 2015, films such as Kamal Swaroop’s documentary Battle for Benaras, Raj Amit Kumar’s Unfreedom and Chandra Prakash Dwivedi’s Mohalla Assi are on the banned list for these are films the current dispensation does not want us to see.
Battle for Benaras was filmed in the course of 40-odd days leading up to and during the 2014 Lok Sabha election in Varanasi, where Aam Aadmi Party supremo took on Narendra Modi. The CBFC has described the film as “mischievous” and prevented its distribution on the specious argument that it could trigger law and order problems.
Swaroop, one of Mumbai’s most respected filmmakers, has pointed out that the film only uses recorded speeches of the principal candidates and does not articulate any views of its own. Battle for Benaras is an observational documentary aimed primarily at capturing the vibrancy of the Indian electoral process, without papering over its distortions. But for CBFC under Nihalani, an undisguised Modi loyalist, the film is a ticking bomb
Pretty much the same is the case with Mohalla Assi and Unfreedom. While the former, based loosely on Kashi Ka Assi, a popular Kashinath Singh novel that satirises the commercialisation of Varanasi, has been banned on account of using abusive language, Unfreedom has had its freedom snatched away because it deals with two hot-button themes – lesbianism and religious fundamentalism.
The fraught relationship between CBFC and Indian filmmakers certainly isn’t of Nihalani’s making. It predates his arrival. But there has never been a CBFC chief less equipped for the role – and more fired by his unquestioning fealty to the established order – than him. This is, therefore, the time to completely overhaul the film censorship system, which continues to reek of a colonial hangover and suffer from increasing incompetence.
Donald Trump’s travel ban on certain Muslim countries is getting as symbolic, absurd and bizarre as it can get, even if court after court in the federal states seems to be decisively overturning his repeated executive orders. Even while there have been widespread protests in the US against the travel bans, the Trump establishment's persistence in the face of judicial orders and public protest, including international outrage, seems to be hiding more than the apparent narrative. For one, he cares a damn. Second, he is playing to the gallery. His own soap opera, reality TV gallery, pandering to the divisive hate politics simmering below the failed American drama, the lowest common denominator, like many leaders of his ilk, across Europe and the rest of the world today, including in India. Surely, it is not an exclusive America phenomena, nor is it immaculate in its conception. The history of the world is replete with the human race being played around by Trumpist icons, to push hatred as a cornerstone of their political scaffoldings. He does not really care a damn for the popular protests in the cities, mostly on the coast, among the intelligentsia, or on the university campuses, or, within the entrenched Washington establishment. It is precisely because he basically did not win from this largely educated and liberal democratic constituency. Though, the conjectures are as open as they seem. Like the lingering wounds simmering in the depressed and divided contemporary American society.
That Hillary Clinton got the popular vote in hugely higher numbers is a fact that the world knows, so does Trump, despite his usual ‘fake news' discourse which tries to inject seeds of doubt into the most obviously realist of bitter realities. That Clinton lost, due to the unique American presidential election pattern, whereby he overwhelming won the states, though he lost the total vote count. That is why the Democratic ‘blue' was only on the fringes in the great American map, while the vast countryside in state after state, including what were perceived as historically Democrat strongholds, turned starkly Republican red.
It was this vast sea of Red, where Trump's symbolism is yet again succeeding and striking a vicious but emotional chord, when it comes to the travel ban, or the rhetoric against ‘Muslims' or terrorism, as much as the macho, sexist, racist, xenophobic, and antiimmigrant campaign run by the Trump camp, including those who are now positioned in the most powerful positions in the new regime. Indeed, some of them seem more right of what used to be the Ku Klux Klan, as shown so vividly in movies like ‘Mississippi Burning', or in the fictionalised catharsis of Tarantino's famously and classically violent movies. In more ways than one, the beginning of the sinister story starts from here, closeted within the inclusivist, triumphalist or white supremacist slogans of ‘Make America Great Again’, or ‘America First
It might seem surprising, but almost 52 per cent of educated white women voted for Trump – and this could include the young and upwardly mobile. Hence, the theory, that most ‘millennials’, the young aspiring, progressive and educated, even ‘socialist’ were hardened and committed Bernie Sanders supporters, who did not vote, or voted reluctantly for Clinton, might just miss the mark.
Besides, it is a great irony, that the same voter population which voted for Barack Obama for two consequent terms, and overwhelmingly so, and in even those states which voted for Trump this time, should suddenly turn so diagonally upside down. That is, it seems a misnomer that the so-called ‘post-racist’ society suddenly turned ‘racist’. Indeed, it seems as complex and dynamic, as it appears, and not as true and transparent as the mirror seems to be showing.
First, the huge and empty American countryside, had been left to its unhappy fate by the Washington establishment and all other economic and political elites – that is precisely what the ground reports say, and that seems the empirical basis of the huge discontentment which prevailed in the rural hinterland, especially in the midwest and other areas which seem to hate multi-culturalism. Second, the white working class, too had turned decisively marginalized and angry at the raw treatment given to it by successive regimes, considering, for instance, all crucial economic and human development index indicators in terms of education, health, quality of life, and social security, proved that these groups were way down below the mythical ‘Great American Dream'
Third, racism and supremacist xenophobia runs like a hidden, unexpressed stream, skin deep, in the 200 plus history of this young nation of immigrants, especially in certain geographical areas, even while large sections of the uneducated white, or lowincome group whites, blame the AfroAmericans, the Latinos, the immigrants, including people from Asia, Africa and the Middle East, for their social and economic plight. Slavery is a bad faith which America carries in its conscience. Some might even aspire for its regressive return. Trump successfully triggered these fears and phobias, and a false mythology of erstwhile greatness, and promised a utopia to the margins which will never happen. At least it seems so, as of now.
And, fourth, looking up at the many Trump towers and his vast empire of real estate and other wealth, it is finally the longing for capitalism’s downward filter theory which is working in the mass consciousness, and, certainly, not the desire for equality or social justice. They think only a capitalist who is an ‘outsider' can get them up the capitalist ladder, whereby they have been dumped by the ‘insiders’ of successive regimes in the garbage can of history
In reality, it is all turning out to be a tragic, unresolved riddle, which is going round and round in dangerous spirals. And, that is why, the racist anger is boiling over, and that is why the Trump symbolism.
For one, much of America seems poor in basic lessons in geography, or in history, considering they are so cut-off from the rest of the world, that they create wars all over the world and remain so sanitized and clinically untouched, that isolationism, solitariness and individualism seems to be the mechanical social creed, and that many seem to carry pronounced misconceptions, or deep-down guilt, or superpower ambitions, about the rest of the world. The Indians attacked, were, for instance, termed middle-eastern, in some instances. There is no real distinction being made in terms of non-while people, nor a real attempt at understanding various cultures and histories.
This has been a phenomena post 9/11. That large numbers of Indians are successful, hard working and rich, or upwardly mobile, and contributing to the American and globalised economy, turns them into scapegoats of the false branding of immigrants or ‘outsiders’ for the ‘bad luck’ or bad economic condition of the locals. Indeed, Sikhs were often mistaken as Muslims, and the phenomena run across the non-white kaleidoscope. Surely, it is there for all to see; it is not a hidden phenomenon.
It is so easy to blame the Mexicans or Indians for what is essentially a failure of American capitalism. If there are no jobs, or if jobs, industries or services are outsourced on abysmally low salaries across the developing countries, it is for American big business and the thickskinned profit industry to introspect. Surely, the immigrants are not to be blamed for the economic crisis vast unemployment, low income among vast sections in a brazenly rich economy with huge disparities, or the stark absence of social security driven by big capital in the US. It is the empire itself which must take the blame.
And, yet, that has been a sinister ploy. It is so dangerous that an entire society is getting polarised. The fears were always dark and uncanny. Even before the elections – because the seeds were sown by the Trump campaign, and so blatantly
There were always recorded and undocumented evidence of racist attacks, subtle or overt. The graph seems to be only rising in recent times. Indeed, this is one diabolical symbolism which might be disastrous for a society which prides itself on multicultural and immigrant talent and knowledge systems, and which has its origins in the very idea of migration and integration.
Truly, the whole world might be pitching one against the other, in bad faith as a public spectacle, to score political victories of sectarian ideologies. However, as the attacks on Indians and others prove, it all turns inwards finally. This is because of all violence, in thought and deed, finally, hurts the collective and the individual. The nation-state itself is in danger. And it takes a long time to heal.
Surely, for Indians in the US, or Indians in India, as much as refugees in the West driven to a tragic exodus by war made in the West, or immigrants looking for work here or there, it is perhaps the most difficult time in the era of globalisation. The travel ban might not succeed in the final instance. However, the purpose is different. To inject the seeds of hate. And that is the fear which is the key.
The writer is a journalist and academic based in Delhi.
Certainly, it is not the end of ideology in contemporary India. In contrast, it is yet again the beginning of an old ideology: like the Nazis burning books while singing a robust militarist song. However, if the dominant discourse is any indication, and it is a tangible and transparent indication, it sure seems like the end of imagination and free thought.
Across the spectrum, especially the ruling spectrum, now spreading its onedimensional discourse and flames of desire across the landscape, from UP to Goa, to Manipur. By hook or crook, mostly so brazen that even legendary German writer and thinker, Bertolt Brecht’s prophesy of infinite hope might not come true. Wrote Brecht, “In the dark times will there also be singing? Yes, there will also be singing about the dark times.”
Will there be singing and poetry and cinema about dark times
If there is a siege, it is there for all to see. It is the uncanny silence of the graveyard. Everyone is waiting for Godot. Not only because meat shops are burnt and razed to ground at Hathras, or a famous chicken dish is allegedly branded as beef in Jaipur, with open violence as a classical symphony, which accompanies these forms of ethnic cleansing, the victory in UP of the BJP has been heralded by moral policing of girls and boys in public spaces, even a couple of friends who were out there to watch a movie, were hounded out in full public display. Acche din? Globalised India?
This is exactly what the Shiv Sena and other fanatics would do with couples during the Valentine’s Day, year after year. Clearly, vigilantism is the flavour of the season, and both free movement and free thought, least of all love, affection and friendship, are under siege, as our cuisines and cultures of food
A film is not allowed by the censor boards, other films are too stopped by fanatics of another spectrum, a seminar is violently stopped in Delhi University, students and teachers are openly bashed up by ruling party stormtroopers while the cops play footsie, professors are banned from speaking at Freedom Square in JNU, a FIR is filed against an eminent academic in Jodhpur based on flimsy charges, research positions for student candidates are drastically cut, cow vigilantes attack Dalits and Muslims, the Dadri phenomena comes back like a bad omen and a bad dream turned bitter realism, the prophets of hate speech now hold top positions, and it is a free for all for those who care a damn for public decorum or constitutional propriety, least of all, the space for contrary opinions, democratic discussions and freedom to dissent. On both sides of the fence there are fanatics; on this side of the fence, they are flexing their muscles because they are now driving the power machine from Delhi, now Lucknow. The State apparatus is in their hands, so democracy can go get damned.
You can be branded an anti-national at the drop of a hat, and you might be asked to go to Pakistan if you don’t agree with war, and pitch for dialogue and peace. You can even be branded a Maoist, terrorist and ISIS/ISI agent, for no rhyme or reason, with not an iota of objectivity or evidence. Even while the media mostly (except rare options) chooses to toe a sensational and prejudiced line, dumping both media ethics and journalistic principles in the dump yard of history, while full-scale propaganda and outright lies replace the sanctity of both truth and news. And there is never a corrigendum, a note of regret, a statement that we did do character assassination, that we were short on evidence, that the editors went wrong, we apologise. It is a circus which is as crass and perverse as it gets.
Pray, if the universities will not debate on life and society, and if the media will shut all the windows of enlightenment and enquiry, and if the streets and public spaces can’t have couples or friends walking in harmony; or, if we are all forced to turn veggie (or non-vegetarian), and if all chicken is called beef, then, truly, for India, the chickens have finally come home to roost. Surely, even Ram would feel discomfort in this promised ‘Ram Rajya’, and, surely, so would have Gandhi, Nehru, Patel and Ambedkar, if not Tagore and the other greats of the great Indian landscape.
Surely, this is another mirror image of a certain vicious Talibanisation of society, as in parts of Pakistan and middle-east, where a Malala is attacked because she wants to go to school, or polio workers are killed because they are branded as foreign agents, and men are routinely beheaded because of this reason or that. Sufi dargahs are attacked, hundreds of people, singing Sufi songs, or dancing in a ‘dhamal’ are murdered in cold blood, and no one can imagine anything apart from what the jehadi extremists would want them to believe. Bloodlust. Ethnic cleansing. Barbarism.
In many ways, we are becoming Khaled Hosseini’s ‘The Kite Runner’, trapped in ‘A Thousand Splendid Suns’ turning into some kind of a pseudo-nuclear winter of the mind with acid rain about to fall, where the flowers are refusing to bloom, turning radioactive and carnivorous, and tall, green trees have shrunken to decimated dwarfs. The war cry is the last refuge of the nationalist. Become pure, like extremist warriors. Make war, don’t make love.
The cold comfort of extremism and fanaticism, backed by sheer power and brute force, might propagate a new form of unilateral ideology. However, it will never succeed in creating flights of imagination, or the great leap forward, which can only emerge from the tortuous bylanes of selfintrospection and collective pluralism and discourse. From the spirit of that famous doctrine: That I might disagree with you, but I will fight for your right to express your opinion
Adolf Hitler used a thousand terrible lies to make it appear a truth – and what happened to human civilisation? Millions gas chambered or mass murdered in the holocaust. The wars by the West in the middle east, looking for oil for blood, found no WMDs, not one weapon of mass destruction in Iraq. They chose their own favourite dictators and democrats. They unleashed drones and cluster bombs. Whatever happened, then, to Samuel Huntington’s ‘Clash of Civilisations’?
Hundreds of thousands butchered, exiled, condemned, turned into graveyards of dead installations, forced into trafficking and sex slavery, left at sea to die as refugees, with tragedies running like Pablo Neruda’s poetry: Come and see the blood on the streets, come and see the blood on the streets, come and see the blood on the streets.
The bloodlust in our minds is also the heady lust of power and the end of imagination. Barbarism is an eternal document of civilisation. In Stalin’s pathological time, trapped in the Cold War, apart from the death and labour camps in Siberia and the mass purges and murders of comrades and allies, a great poet disappeared from the face of the earth because, in a state of being tipsy, he recited a spoofy poem on Stalin. The BJP might hate the communists, but will they allow a spoofy poem as a caricature of their great helmsman?
In all probability, no. The communists did not allow Taslima Nasreen in Bengal, as did the Congress ban Salman Rushdie’s ‘Satanic Verses’, and so was Rahul Dholakia’s ‘Parzania’ not allowed to be screened in Gujarat. Even Wendy Doniger’s book, ‘The Hindus: An Alternative History’ was pulped by a leading publisher, only because of a certain Hindutva ‘intellectual’ with a rather warped and unscientific view of history, did not like the book. As is the case with a new movie by Sanjay Leela Bhansali: it’s the mob which calls the shots. And, without even reading the book, or watching the movie, perhaps. The less you read, the more you are. The more you hate, the best you are.
It’s like saying, “I don’t know your views, but I will not allow you to express your views.” It’s like Beethoven being banned during the cultural revolution in China, and, when the peaceful students put it up at Tiananmen Square (‘Ode to Joy’) in June 1984, the tanks came rolling in. At this rate, perhaps Bob Dylan will one day not be heard on the campuses of the world, and in pubs and bars, and Tagore’s ‘Where the head is held high’ will be replaced by a song in praise of cow urine. Indeed, with all the prophetic qualities of cow urine, how can a society survive on just one liquid as magic realism?
It all started as a brazen political project. In September 1990, in a bid to consolidate the Hindus, L. K. Advani embarked on a Rath Yatra from Somnath Temple in Gujarat to Ayodhya, demanding a Ram Mandir on the very spot where the Babri Masjid stood. The BJP claimed Lord Ram was born at the spot where the Babri Masjid was— a claim that was unsupported by verifiable historical fact. Those who believed that the Babri Masjid stood on the site of Ram’s birth cited mythology to buttress their claims. All across the country, north of the Vindhyas, sectarian groups clashed. Saffron began to spread across the nation on a scale not seen before.
Unravelling the Ayodhya dispute was, for me, a personal pursuit. I realized there was much more history to it than sketchy newspaper reports conveyed. It was in 1855, during Wajid Ali Shah’s rule, that a dispute arose in Ayodhya over Hanumangarhi— one of the most popular temples to Lord Hanuman in north India. Hindus believed that the ruins of a mosque was the site of an ancient Hanuman temple and started doing puja there. Aamir Ali, a nobleman of Bareilly, turned up in Ayodhya with a posse of soldiers to declare jihad on the Hindus. Aamir Ali’s forces were overwhelmed by the larger Hindu congregation. The graves of Muslims who died in the clash still remain in the vicinity of the Babri Masjid. The Nawab’s durbar in Lucknow remained strictly neutral in the dispute. This went down well with both Hindus and Muslims accustomed, during the reign of the Awadh nawabs, to peaceful co-existence. Nothing in the circumstances favoured self-appointed jihadis.
During this period, there was no live dispute at the Babri Masjid (Ram Janmabhoomi). But after the annexation of Awadh in 1856, and the exile of Wajid Ali Shah to Matia Burj that year, the new British administration placed a grill separating the built-up domes of the mosque and the forecourt or the chabutra where Lord Ram was supposed to have been born. Instead of conclusively settling a dispute, as the last king of Awadh had done in the case of Hanumangarhi, the British institutionalized the Mandir–Masjid issue by dividing the 1,500 square yard property almost exactly into half. It served the British purpose of ‘divide and rule’. Remember Disraeli’s speech in the British Parliament? Whenever riots were required to divide communities and consolidate British control that had been shaken after the joint Hindu–Muslim Revolt of 1857, they would revive the Mandir–Masjid dispute.
The Babri Masjid was neither an important enough mosque for the Muslim community nor even a remarkable architectural wonder to warrant the controversy surrounding it. When I first visited Ayodhya to cover the agitation, I was surprised that the mosque was there at all. The lanes of Ayodhya, lined with temples of all sizes manned by saffron-robed sadhus, looked so patently Hindu. In that location a mosque—Babri Masjid—looked out of place. This was in contrast to Ayodhya’s twin city, Faizabad, whose mosque was situated in what seemed to me a more appropriate context. This is nothing more than a personal observation and should be taken as such.
The communal picture changed after the demolition of the Babri Masjid. The insecurity of the Muslim grew with every passing year. The mosque was demolished on 6 December 1992, but the planning for the event had gone on for three years. It was a brilliant marketing strategy by Hindutva craftsmen who had outlined the project of casting bricks, some in silver and gold, to be consecrated in numerous temples of India, big and small, and eventually taken to Ayodhya in a procession for the construction of the Ram Temple. The project whipped up a furious awakening on the Ayodhya issue. The temple would have 108 pillars across two storeys sprawled over 270 feet, which would be its length, quite in harmony with its height of 125 feet…
For Indian Muslims, their place in Indian society changed radically after the Babri Masjid demolition. Imagine the pain Kaifi Azmi, the well-known poet, must have felt as he groped his way up the unlit staircase leading to the apartment of his mentor and friend, Ali Sardar Jafri, during the 1993 Bombay masscares. Jafri’s Kemp’s Corner apartment block was threatened by arsonists. Or take my friend Jawed Laiq’s story. His father, Professor Nayyer Laiq Ahmad, had been principal of Bombay’s Elphinstone College in the fifties, a historian with a catholic vision. His mother was a Congress MLA and among the earliest delegates to the Human Rights Commission in Geneva. During the Bombay riots, Jawed found himself in the entrance hall of his Churchgate apartment building, candle in one hand, a screwdriver in another, diligently pulling out the nameplate ‘Prof N. L. Ahmad’ so that arsonists and murderers would not find their way to his mother on the floor upstairs.
After the demolition and subsequent riots, covert dislike of Muslims in this country has become a lot more open and frequent. My daughter, Farah, returned after eight years of education in the US, with a much prized immigrant visa, the stepping stone to a green card, which she surrendered upon her return to India, saying that she was ‘now home’. She would have a US visa stamped on her Indian passport if she needed to travel to the US. US Ambassador Frank Wisher had never seen anything like this—an Indian surrendering her right for permanent residence in the US. Many ‘Bharat Mata ki jai’ enthusiasts have their wards parked in the US. The ironic twist to the story came later. Farah began to work for Nirantar, an NGO dedicated to working among rural women. Returning from Banda in UP by train in the summer of 1993 she had her first encounter with the altered reality in the country. At one railway station, everyone around her in the train unanimously resisted the entry of a family which was quite obviously Muslim. Farah thought they had not been allowed to enter because the compartment was full until an antiMuslim tirade picked up as soon as the train left the station. A kindly looking elderly man, noticing Farah’s silence, offered her an apple which she gently refused. ‘Lay lo bitiya, hum bhi to tumhare tarah Hindu hain, koi Mussalman to nahin hain (Take the apple, daughter. After all I am also a Hindu like you, not a Muslim.)
On 9 November 1989, one of the wisest Congressmen I have known, Saiyid Nasir Hussain, sat in his office in the Faizabad mosque, contiguous with Ayodhya, holding his head in his hands and weeping: ‘They have cheated the Muslims.’ He then blurted out: ‘The deal with the VHP was struck at the very top.’ He knew what he was talking about. ‘In UP the Congress is finished,’ he declared. His words would prove prophetic.
In a move to pre-empt Hindu mobilization to liberate Ram’s birthplace in Ayodhya, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi had ordered the locks of the Babri Masjid to be opened in 1986. This would allow Hindus to have ‘darshan’ or be able to see the Ram idols which were placed under the central dome of the mosque. Rajiv Gandhi was advised that by opening the locks of the Babri Masjid, he would kill two birds with one stone—he would defuse Hindutva mobilization and, at the same time, silence mounting criticism that he was appeasing Muslims on the Shah Bano issue
The Shah Bano case was a landmark judgement in April 1985, in which the Supreme Court ruled that Muslim Personal Law could not stand in the way of Section 125 of the Criminal Procedure Code, which applied uniformly to all Indians, including Muslims. The issue was the case of Shah Bano, a sixty-two-year old divorcee claiming maintenance, which Muslim Personal Law denied her. Conservative Muslim opinion was incensed at the court interfering with their Personal Law. Rajiv Gandhi decided to placate the Muslim vote bank. He put into force the Muslim Women’s Act of 1986. In defiance of the Supreme Court verdict, the new act restored the supremacy of Muslim Personal Law. There was uproar among Hindu and Muslim liberal groups
With this retrogressive act, Rajiv ended up achieving exactly the opposite of what he had intended. He opened himself to the charge of appeasing Muslims. It was not just a charge, but a fact: he was appeasing the clerics without having done the community a jot of good. Yes, the Muslim clerics could claim credit for confining Muslim women to their Personal Law. For this Rajiv Gandhi earned some brownie points among the mullahs, but liberal Muslims like Congressman Arif Mohammad Khan were isolated. To make matters worse, Rajiv tried to build bridges with Hindu hardliners on the Ram Temple issue
2017 looks like a promising year for India’s outbound tourism sector. Europe, USA and Far East Asia markets are bringing in maximum business. There has been a lot of interest for travel to Russia, Israel, New Zealand thanks to the interesting campaigns by several international tourism boards and aggressive promotion campaigns
This, coupled with flash sales by hotels and airlines, as well as higher disposable incomes amongst the Indian middle class families attracts tourists to travel abroad. This year, the companies are also witnessing a positive shift in honeymoon packages wherein people are travelling to exotic destinations like Seychelles, Bali and Maldives other than Thailand and Singapore
As per some travel agents summer 2017 will see a healthy mix of both short and long hauls with easy access options like Singapore, Dubai, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Bali, Malaysia, Hong Kong-Macau coupled with favourites like USA-Canada, Switzerland France, Germany and New ZealandAustralia; and fresh destinations emerging on the radar like Japan, Korea, Israel, Abu Dhabi, Flanders, Philippines.
Indian travellers are opening up to intellectually and educationally enriching getaways and traditional sightseeing vacations are a thing of the past. Experiential travel is the Indian traveller’s new mantrathey are clearly pushing the envelope
The rupee depreciation has had little impact on the outbound tourism as there are only certain countries which faced a price hike in accommodation and land expenses. There is a certain minimum outlay of money for any foreign trip, especially for families Trip prices to the US, for example, have not increased substantially this year, despite the rupee depreciating against the dollar
Looking at it from that point of view, trips to destinations such as Europe, West Asia, Australia, Southeast Asia and Africa are less expensive as the rupee has been quite firm against their currencies year-on-year in addition to lower airfares. Due to the overall strength of the rupee, currency is unlikely to be a key concern for Indians wanting to book international holidays. A weak international economic climate has a lot of opportunities to offer budget travellers. Hotel stays, local sightseeing, shopping and food will become cheaper thereby bringing down approximately 15 to 20 per cent of the total travel cost depending on the destination
Apart from traditional favourite destinations like South East Asia, more and more Indian travellers are looking to explore new destinations. There is a surge in inquiries and people travelling to Zambia, Tanzania and other African countries as they have wildlife in abundance. European countries like Vienna, Prague, Iceland, Romania, the Netherlands and Scandinavia are some of the new and fast emerging holiday destinations gaining traction amongst Indians, especially youngsters
The traditional tick-box see-all-you-can package no longer finds favour; fresh engaging experiences are in high demand and based on customer’s interests trips are curated from a range of innovative and immersive experiential itineraries- from fissure snorkelling in Iceland, touring on horseback in South Africa, nature trails and a tree-top walk at Singapore’s MacRichie Reservoir, volcano climbs in The Philippines, to cooking classes with local chefs in France, zip lining and rappelling in Malaysia’s rain forests or the adrenaline rush of adventure sports in New Zealand
Travel agents are introducing new market specific products and working closely with tourism boards to make most of the outbound demand.
The foreign tourism boards are also gearing up to meet the growing number of Indians who are travelling abroad and splurging
Macao is an entertaining and an enjoyable destination with a lot of grandeur. There is a plethora of entertainment waiting for the Indian tourist in Macao. From exotic shows, nightlife and family attractions, Macao have world class shows which are worth making a trip for, like – The House of Dancing Water at The City of Dreams, Viva La Broadway at The Galaxy Hotel, Tree of Prosperity at Wynn and The House of Magic at The Studio City amongst others. Macao also has attractions like The Panda Pavilion, the Science Centre, 3D and the Grand Prix museum and the Macao Tower for a family to enjoy together.
Israel recorded an increase of 31 per cent in Indian tourist arrivals. Israel tourism board expects Jerusalem, Tel Aviv and the Dead Sea to record a good demand from the Indian market and is also aiming to promote Eilat, which is the resort city on the shores of the red sea in the Aqaba Gulf. More and more Indians are already putting South Africa on their travel itineraries. India’s large diaspora and growing openness to the outside world has also stimulated foreign travel, especially among younger generations. This, coupled with the country's new generation of middle-class tourists, set to grow even further, presents a great opportunity for South African Tourism and its trade partners both in India and South Africa.
Thailand is one of the best destinations for Indian travellers and also a family friendly destination. Besides being a shopping and golf paradise plus a beach and wellness destination, Thailand has a lot to offer for children and family too. The top places to travel with family are Bangkok and the nearby Kanchanaburi, KhaoYai, HuaHin– Cha-am, Rayong and Pattaya along with new destinations such as Chiang Mai, Phetchaburi, SamutPrakan, Rayong, Chiang Rai and the 12 Hidden Gem cities like Lumpang, Ratchaburi, Trang, Koh Chang which are waiting for tourists to explore and experience.Domestic
Made in IndiaTM (MII), an award-winning Indian restaurant is a reflection of culinary time. The restaurant offers a culinary the erstwhile Indian royalties and the contemporary Indian design. The restaurant creates a theatrical experience by exaggerating objects which are predominant in India’s centuries-old history
R.E.D stands for Rare Eastern Dining. The colour red is also a strong symbol of journey, from the State of Hyderabad with its linkages to the Middle East, the Vijaynagar Empire and its roots in the Telangana. The mighty Moguls and the oriental culture & history, as illustrated by the flags of Red China & Japan
R.E.D. serves interpretations of classic far eastern cuisine from Japan, China, Thailand Malaysia & Singapore. The Menu offers a selection of customised Signature dishes designed by the reputed Singaporean Chef Raymond Sim
R.E.D. looks ravishing with all the eastern elements and impeccable interiors. Its Menu is entirely a compilation of unique specialities and the recipes that are never softened or diluted, remaining true to their oriental origins, paired with some of the finest wines.
The restaurant caters to a diverse international clientele with its menu and a comprehensive wine list offering a wide selection of wines from around the world, with an emphasis on wines from the New World regions.
S18, the 24-hour brasserie offers a modern aristocratic Nawabs of Avadh and of course the legends of Punjab.
MII reflects self-indulgence and luxury a beautiful culmination of the opulence of and ontemporary charm, serving world cuisine with a distinctive ambience, positioning it as Noida’s most popular multi-cuisine restaurant. A true adventure for the taste buds with an elaborate multicuisine menu which caters to a varied palate complements the truly cosmopolitan nature of S18.
In true 24x7 style, all day dining restaurant caters to the varied moods and moments with an easy and relaxed style in the day, and a sophisticated allure for a formal dinner in the evening. It is the perfect place to try a variety of cuisines, with a touch of many specialities
The extensive menu has been planned to offer Indian and popular world cuisine and has something for every palate. S18 is also the preferred destination for a relaxed family brunch. The extensive Sunday brunch is a treat, showcasing some of the finest gourmet food with an unlimited flow of Sparkling Wines and Martinis
Winter is on the wane and the smell of spring speaks of new hope, fresh makeovers once again. After a winter of de-monetisation, a resilient nation wakes up again to embrace the oncoming spring, getting ready to celebrate the most colourful and joyous of all festivals, Holi. It’s this amazing ability to overcome adversity with such stoicism and a smile that makes our nation what it is and gives democracy a vibrant and natural crucible. It is Hope and it is this very idea of hope that we try and understand in our essay on contemporary India and its inner resilience of democracy
But in politics for some Holi will be celebrated a couple of days in advance with election results for five states setting the course early for the rest of the year; the most important verdict being from the most populous and large state of Uttar Pradesh, the weather wane for our political future. In this political storm, the Congress party hopes to weather it somewhat by riding tandem on Akhilesh Yadav’s bicycle. But will the party also show its full hand by playing its charismatic card which rests with the charming Priyanka Gandhi? We take a look up close to unravel this political enigma and the Congress trump
The distance between India and Bharat is shrinking and even though we tend to keep our noses close to our cities, it is the rural and small town India that is fuelling the growth story even as a new disease seems to be creeping up on us to devour our collective minds — the curse of social media and its banality.
Apart from these thought-provocateurs, this issue of DW packs an amazing punch of variety from Cuba after Fidel Castro to a virtual world where the physical and digital blur; from Raees’ Miyabhai ki daring to Shashi Tharoor’s fencing with the British Raj in An Era of Darkness and lots, lots more. So Happy Holi and Happy Reading!
ISRO’S RECORD 104 STEALS A MARCH IN SPACE
SPACE// Indian space agency, ISRO made history last month by blasting 100+ satellites into space, all aboard one of its rockets. On February 15, ISRO’s Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle, PSLV-C37, carried into space a weather satellite for India (Cartosat-2 Series satellite) as well as 103 nano satellites, including 96 from the US. The PSLV rocket lifted off from ISRO’s launch centre at Sriharikota in Andhra Pradesh. This is three times the previous record of 37 satellite launches in a single day (held by Russia)
It was a high risk launch for ISRO as numerous satellites had to be released by the PSLV rocket in rapid-fire fashion within seconds of each other. One mistake would have sent satellites dashing into each other. But it was all done in 11 minutes, with each satellite placed into its precise orbit. It was a flawless performance from ISRO, which has been much praised all over the world.
The successful launch of so many satellites gives ISRO a stellar ranking among the space agencies of the world. Plus, the fact that ISRO’s satellite launches are much cheaper than those done by European agencies has given the Indian space agency a real edge. Bengaluru-based ISRO is now regarded as one of the best space research agencies in the world. Later this year, ISRO will launch the GSLV Mark III, its biggest ever launch vehicle that can carry extremely heavy satellites into space.
IPL: BIG STOKES FOR ENGLISH BLOKES
CRICKET// The recently held Indian Premier League auction witnessed several record buys, some strange omissions and some surprises. Over 350 players went under the hammer as teams tried to sort out their composition. A total pool of 358 players, out of which 66 was the total number of players that were bought by the franchises during the IPL auction. The teams did not pursue an aggressive buying strategy as they had retained most of the players. were considered for the auction. Regardless of the fact that the English team lost badly to India in the three series’ played recently, English players were snapped up by Indian Premier League teams at the player auction held on Monday. During the auction, IPL teams bid for players and the team willing to pay the highest for a player gets him. For in-form players, severe competition can drive prices very high indeed. At this auction, the English players got such high bids. Meanwhile old timers such as pace bowler Ishant Sharma remained unsold
Much of the action centered around bowlers who attracted the highest bids. For the first time, players from Afghanistan also participated in the auction and were selected by teams. Relatively less known players from India, some of whom have never played for major Indian teams, also made it big in the auction, including T Natarajan from Tamil Nadu. The pace bowler, who belongs to a poor family but came up due to talent for the game, was snapped up by Kings XI Punjab
EPS WINS TAMIL NADU DANGAL WITH OPS
APPOINTMENT// Amidst much chaos, Tamil Nadu got a new Chief Minister in the form of Edappadi K Palaniswami. Palaniswami is the candidate put forth by Sasikala Natarajan, the close friend of former CM J Jayalalithaa who died recently. Sasikala was hoping to become the CM herself, however her conviction in a corruption case meant she could hold office. The Supreme Court sent her to jail for wrong-doing. In a vote that was held at the Tamil Nadu assembly, Palaniswami managed to show that he had the support of the majority of the MLAs. However other political parties such as the DMK said that the vote was not valid as many MLAs had probably been forced by Sasikala to vote for her group. In the fight that followed between the DMK and AIADMK, papers were torn up and thrown around, chairs toppled and microphones uprooted!
BUDGET FOR THE COMMON MAN
BUDGET// On February 1, Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley rose to present the budget in Parliament. The early presentation of the budget was a change in tradition but there no surprises in the budget speech itself. The budget made no massive changes but instead tried to help middle class people such as office-goers, farmers and factory workers. Income tax is a percentage of income that we give the government. The government uses it to pay salaries of government workers, and build facilities like roads and hospitals. Those who earn between Rs.2.5 lakh and Rs. 5 lakh a year will now have to share just 5% of their income as tax with the government. This was earlier 10%.
The government wants us to use cash as little as possible. That’s because cash transfers between people can’t be tracked and people may be using money on which they haven’t paid income tax. As a result, there is now a new rule in India under which you can’t pay more than Rs.3 lakh in cash for anything. The government already runs a programme under which people in rural areas get jobs for a certain number of days in a year. This year the government will spend a lot of money on that programme to ensure that more Indians have a steady job for at least some part of the year. It also expects to spend more on infrastructure-that means on roads, bridges, railway tracks, power stations and other facilities during the 12 months between April 2017 and march 2018. These two months mark the budgetary year in India
THE GLITTER OF OLD
TENNIS// At the Australian Open 2017, it was all about the stars of old. Roger Federer and Serena Williams, both of who have been around for many years, were the winners of the men’s and women’s trophies respectively. The men’s singles final turned out to be a classic match with Federer going up against old rival Rafael Nadal. It was the first time since 2011 that the old rivals were meeting at a Grand Slam final. Interestingly Federer had mnever beaten Nadal in a Grand Slam final before. The match stretched to five sets before Federer managed to win the final set. This was Federer’s 18th Grand Slam trophy. He has become the first player to win three of the Grand Slams five times. Although Nadal lost, there was much for him to celebrate. Nadalm, has been struggling to make a comeback after an injury so winning the runner-up trophy was special for him.
The women’s singles final was also a historic match, for Serena Williams was playing against her own sister Venus Williams. The Williams sisters have been among the game’s top players for more than 10 years but it was the first time since 2009 that they were meeting in a Grand Slam final. Serena eventually won in two sets. It was her 23rd Grand Slam title, making her the most successful tennis player in the open era of tennis. The Open era began in 1968 when professional tennis players, who earn prize money at events, were allowed to compete. She has crossed Steffi Graf’s record of 22 Grand Slam wins with the victory in the Australian Open and is just one win short of Margaret Court’s all time record (includes wins before the open era) of 25 Grand Slam victories.
SASI: WITH POWER COMES JAIL
VERDICT// The Supreme Court of Indiahanded down a four-year prison sentence to the incoming chief minister of Tamil Nadu for corruption in a ruling that prevents her from taking up the post of Chief Minister. VK Sasikala was found guilty of possessing “disproportionate assets” in a long-running case that also involved her mentor Jayalalithaa Jayaram, the state’s former chief minister who died in December last year. Sasikala was not present at the hearing in New Delhi but the court ordered that she immediately surrender to police to begin serving her sentence. The panel also sentenced her nephew and niece to four years in prison after a lower court had earlier acquitted them of any wrongdoing.The verdict means the 59-year-old Sasikala is barred from running for any public office for a decade. The corruption case dates back to the late-1990s when Jayalalithaa and Sasikala were accused of profiting from the chief minister's office and amassing wealth beyond their income
LIFE BEYOND STARS: NASA FINDS EARTH-LIKE PLANETS
DISCOVERY// NASA’s Spitzer Space Telescope has revealed the first known system of seven Earth-size planets around a single star. Three of these planets are firmly located in the habitable zone, the area around the parent star where a rocky planet is most likely to have liquid water.
The discovery sets a new record for greatest number of habitable-zone planets found around a single star outside our solar system. All of these seven planets could have liquid water – key to life as we know it – under the right atmospheric conditions, but the chances are highest with the three in the habitable zone.
This discovery could be a significant piece in the puzzle of finding habitable environments, places that are conducive to life,” said Thomas Zurbuchen, associate administrator of the agency’s Science Mission Directorate in Washington. “Answering the question ‘are we alone’ is a top science priority and finding so many planets like these for the first time in the habitable zone is a remarkable step forward toward that goal.”
At about 40 light-years (235 trillion miles) from Earth, the system of planets is relatively close to us, in the constellation Aquarius. Because they are located outside of our solar system, these planets are scientifically known as exoplanets.
This exoplanet system is called TRAPPIST-1, named for The Transiting Planets and Planetesimals Small Telescope (TRAPPIST) in Chile. In May 2016, researchers using TRAPPIST announced they had discovered three planets in the system. Assisted by several ground-based telescopes, including the European Southern Observatory's Very Large Telescope, Spitzer confirmed the existence of two of these planets and discovered five additional ones, increasing the number of known planets in the system to seven. The new results were published last month in the journal Nature, and announced at a news briefing at NASA Headquarters in Washington.
It was a balmy day in March 2008 when a determined Priyanka entered the gates of Vellore Central jail in Tamil Nadu to come face to face with a woman inmate serving a life sentence for being part of the conspiracy to kill her father Rajiv Gandhi. It was almost 17 years ago that her father was blown to bits by a woman suicide bomber said to be from the LTTE. The woman prisoner Nalini Sriharan was one of the arrested for the brutal killing.
Priyanka was barely 19 when she lost her father in this violent manner. But the girl was only 12 when her grandmother Indira Gandhi was shot down by her own bodyguards at her Safdarjang home in New Delhi. She was eight when her uncle Sanjay Gandhi died when his two-seater aircraft crashed at Safdarjang airport. For a girl still in her teens to have witnessed three violent deaths in the family could have left her scarred for life. Yet Priyanka found it in herself to take that bold step across the jail gates to face a woman responsible for the father’s death, to hold her and to forgive her. It must have takenamazing courage. It shows her strength and fortitude.
What is clear is that only a powerful emotion would have driven Priyanka to look into the face of a member of the assassination squad that killed her father. It would have required great inner strength to feel compassion for the guilty. Shorn of politics, it was a magnificent act in an age of mediocrity. For the dynasty that steered independent India’s “tryst with destiny”, this visit to a prison by a daughter seeking answers was a compelling moment of truth.
But it didn’t come easy. Priyanka remembers: In the beginning when my father was killed, I didn’t realise it, but I was furious. I was absolutely furious inside. I was furious not with particular individuals who killed him, but I was furious with the whole world.
It was a very slow process. It was realising that you’re angry… I think the whole thing about this whole business of forgiveness is really, at some level, we all consider ourselves victims. Maybe it can be a case of someone being nasty to us, or someone would have done something like kill someone we love, which is a bigger thing and then we consider ourselves victims. But the minute you realise that you’re not a victim and that the other person is as much victim of that same circumstance as you, then you can’t put yourself in a position where you are able to forgive someone else. Because your victimhood has disappeared! And to me, people ask about non-violence, I think truenon-violence is the absence of victimhood.”
Grief and forgiveness. Rage and repentance. Tears and atonement. It could have been the stuff of great world literature, maybe even a Dostoevsky novel in another time, were it not a riveting piece of contemporary news. Was this just an act of wanting to come to terms or did she still have questions about her father’s death? Apparently one of her seething questions to Nalini was: Why? Why my father?
Congressmen must have been delighted that Priyanka came through looking so good, strong and magnanimous. They must have hoped that this could be the turning point which could initiate her journey into politics. But it was not to be. She was clear politics was not for her. As she was to say later, having grown up in the shadows of a powerful lady, she was deeply influenced by her grandmother Indira Gandhi. It was natural that she would follow in the family’s footsteps. She had early on showed signs of her natural ease of being in public life. Her father Rajiv too had admitted that it was she among her two children - Rahul and Priyanka — who would be the natural political heir
But Priyanka struggled with her inner self to give expression to what she wanted and not what others expected of her. She says, “Everyone expected me to and so did I want to, but I was confused, not sure. There was a time when I was a kid, when I was about 16-17 when I thought this is absolutely what I want to do with my life but I think I wasn’t very clear about my own identity. In 1999 it was a question in my mind, whether I would want to stand for elections or not. So I did some thinking, and I realised I didn’t.”
Priyanka recalls it was not easy to come to that decision. She was troubled by the burden and not knowing how to deal with it she went away for 10 days. “Actually, I went for Vipassana meditation. I was so troubled by the fact that I didn’t know my mind, I just disappeared and went for 10 days of meditation, to better know my own mind, rather than what other people want of me
She came back with a clarity that she didn’t want to be in politics. “I was very happy living my life the way I was. I think there are certain aspects of politics which I’m just not suited to. I grew into myself. Earlier my own identity was a bit confused, because I did idealise my grandmother, I grew up in a household where she was the head and she was an extremely powerful woman. Not only politically powerful, but she was a powerful human being to be around. So being a little girl and seeing this woman who was strong and stood for so much, it did have an effect on me. So I think my own identity was confused until a certain point and when I discovered that - ‘Hey, Priyanka is actually this’ — then I realised that this is not for me.
It may have been Priyanka Vadra’s way of dealing with her personal pain, but many prominent figures in our civil society say news of her poignant meeting with her father’s killer, Nalini Sriharan, in Vellore jail had injected some much-needed humanity into our public life and would hopefully engender a culture of reconciliation. “For the first time, a public leader has tried to wipe out the memory of public violence instead of trying to avenge it through the courts,” says psychoanalyst and sociologist Ashis Nandy. “Her gesture will inspire victims of violence to make peace and get on with life in a more healthy state of mind.”/p>
Priyanka’s once-estranged aunt, writer Nayantara Sahgal, says, “I don’t know about the nation, but I for one think she did a very good and moving thing. That tradition of refusing to nurse anger and vengeance is something we learnt from Gandhi and his freedom struggle. This family still believes in that tradition and we were brought up on it.” The reason why Priyanka’s visit moved the nation, according to Sahgal, was “it was a simple gesture. More than ever, we need such acts of non-violence, which in my view is the only ultimate deterrent in our race towards self-destruction.”
This great act of Priyanka speaks a lot about her as a person and her mind as a thinker. Vipassana and Buddhism have helped Priyanka overcome the many trials and tribulations of life. Recently in a rare interview she said, “I don’t think I would be able to have a normal quiet life if I was in active politics. When I am not helping my mother or brother in their constituencies, I am making cupcakes for my two kids and buying groceries
But of late, every time the Congress party loses an election or is getting ready for a big battle the usual chorus for Priyanka lao, Congress bachao is inevitable. Many party state units a few years ago went ahead and put up banners in her favour hoping to precipitate the issue. But it was not to be. “I have said it a thousand times, I am not interested in joining politics,” Priyanka Gandhi once famously told the BBC.
This time around too, with the vital Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections and four other states under way, the call for Priyanka lao reached a crescendo. In fact it seemed that the mystery over her political ‘to be or not to be’ was going to be put to rest with a lot of excitement that she would play a larger role in the UP campaign. But as election days got closer that seemed once again, only wishful thinking. She did address a few rallies in the family pocket borough of Amethi and quietly returned to Delhi. Now it is being said that she has taken charge of the backroom campaign management instead of being the party’s public face.
Is there a subtle attempt still about to let Rahul Gandhi enjoy the credit if the party’s alliance with the Samajwadi Party (SP) can pull of a defining show a la the Bihar victory? Priyanka is without doubt the Congress trump card, and if it is played, then surely the credit or the loss would have to be shouldered by her. Is the family still hoping the son will come up trumps instead? After all Mama Sonia much like our Indian mothers is said to prefer that her son makes a mark once she decides to step down
Priyanka is unmissable in a crowd, a striking figure in her handloom saris with a manner similar to her dadi Indira Gandhi. Yet unlike her grandmother who was once called ‘zoon politikon’ or political animal by former West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, Priyanka has always professed a steadfast reluctance to plunge into politics and been almost squeamishly wary of becoming a politician. At the moment she’s still a novelty. She has natural charisma and comes across as straightforward and communicative. Yet given her lack of experience and the fact that she’s now decided not to campaign across Uttar Pradesh and will remain confined to Amethi and Rae Bareli, her political impact is likely to be marginal
Congress believes Priyanka’s resemblance to Indira Gandhi will be enough to draw in the crowds and votes. But Indira had spent two decades in and around politics before she became prime minister. Nehru’s daughter fought a bitter battle for supremacy with party bosses; she wasn’t offered supreme power on a platter. Besides, politics in India is now far more competitive.
The Congress almost kept Priyanka as a reserve or weapon of last resort much like the Brahmastra in Mahabharat, a weapon of mass destruction created by Brahma. But only time will tell whether the Priyanka 'Brahmastra' will work after all. In the late 90s, when Sonia Gandhi stepped into electoral politics, the Congress remained almost stagnant. Though a lot of hype had surrounded Sonia Gandhi's dramatic appearance, she failed to make any difference to the party's fortunes. Priyanka too could disappoint, even turn out worse than her brother.
But, for the Congress, Priyanka Gandhi is indeed an idea whose time has come. Whatever be the outcome of the expected ploy, it will immediately inject new life in the Congress veins. Its workers will get a sense of direction, the party a new face and voters the option of looking at a Rahulmukt Congress. Comparisons with leaders of other parties can wait, but in a toss up between the Gandhi siblings, Priyanka is the clear winner
Since the time Priyanka has campaigned, she has rarely spoken about women or their concerns. However, this time around, Priyanka, taking the stand for the women at a recent rally in UP, therefore revealed a different side to her - a glimmer, perhaps, of the symbol she could become for women’s empowerment. There is, of course, nothing to confirm that she will think about the possibility of it - what if she did?
Certainly, there are no questions of her likability. She’s known for her charm and subtle wit, which convinces many that if she wanted to, she could supersede Rahul Gandhi. Think about it though, in the realm of cutthroat politics anchored in centuries-old patriarchy, this country has seen some strong women leaders (Indira Gandhi, Jayalalithaa, Mayawati, Mamata Banerjee to name a few), but none of them can be considered strong feminist icons
Perhaps, it’s time that this country spawns a leader who is a vocal and fierce women’s rights advocate. While it’s commendable that Priyanka highlighted the issue of gender equality, so to speak, at the rally, it would be far more hard-hitting if these issues were talked about more often on other occasions, not only when there were votes to bank on
Whatever the outcome of the next round of elections, it is highly unlikely that the Congress ‘Princess’ will be ready in the near future to carry the family baton forward. But then as Priyanka said in reply to that very repetitive question which she so deftly deflects: “As I am growing older, I’m realising that ‘never’ is a bad thing to say. So I’m not going to say never!”
‘Small is beautiful’, wrote EF Schumacher. In his classic arguing for a meaningful ‘way of life’ he said that the gigantic can be ugly and overwhelming, a monster, driven by profit, unsustainable, anti-ecology, unable to accept parallel opinions or dissent. The big is often a bully
In another classic, ‘Deschooling Society’, by German philosopher Ivan Illich, the principle argument is that both learning and unlearning must go together. That it is more important to ‘unlearn’ and get rid of the inherited baggage of prejudices, clichés, warped up notions of patriarchy and power, and a vast empire of ignorance perceived as literacy/education. In Paulo Freire’s ‘Pedagogy of the Oppressed’, another milestone in alternative thinking, he argues that young minds are not empty receptacles that they can be bombed with detached information. They are not passive, like television viewers perched on a sofa. They are dynamic, inquisitive, restless, tortured and sublime minds, forever trying to break barriers. The media is not god.
That is, the mainstream media becomes so predictable, so oppressive and so boring, especially the audio-visual media. It censors information and knowledge systems automatically, photoshops the complex kaleidoscope of colours and black white realism, skips routinely the depths of knowledge, avoids conflict zones as much as moments of liberation or discovery, and toes the establishment line almost always. Besides, it is solely driven by profit, ad revenue and TRP ratings. It celebrates the tyranny of mediocrity and drags everyone down to its own level.
Not anymore. The bubble of the social media is bursting like an ocean in a cage, both liberating and oppressive, across the vertical and horizontal of the information system, dismantling the fixed and fixated edifice of mediocrity and the power of manipulation. Katharine Viner, editor of The Guardian, argued in 2013 in a lecture that it is like going back to the pre-media pre-printing age. In the beginning was the word. In the beginning was also dream, fantasy, memory. Almost like entering a pre-information system, primordial, intangible, fleeting and threadless,breaking all boundaries of control.
The social media has challenged the fixity of the media industry, its columns headlines, architecture, design alignments, sound, visual, structure and sensibility.
The web has changed the way we organise information in a very clear way: from the boundaried, solid format of books and newspapers to something liquid and freeflowing, with limitless possibilities… A newspaper is complete. It is finished, sure of itself, certain. By contrast, digital news is constantly updated, improved upon, changed, moved, developed, an ongoing conversation and collaboration. It is living, evolving, limitless, relentless,” said Viner.
It is like a chaupal under a peepal tree in a village, a centre of story-telling. Or, like great Hindi writer Muktibodh’s ‘brahmarakshas’ perched on top of a tree outside the village, or, even the blackboard in the village where Gandhi’s followers would write the latest news of the freedom movement. So, how come the Dandi March became a ‘national event’ in an era where there was no information system, and in a backward and vast country like India? Or, how come, the whole country cried when Bhagat Singh was hanged at the drop of dawn?
Multi-media information in the social media moves in spirals, like oral and folk traditions. It defies logic, proximity and topicality. It is beyond race, colour and lines of control. It is also entering new zones of the social and private, something unprecedented in history.
Private spaces are becoming public: mothers when they were young, exotic food cooked for all to see – no sharing please --, travel and fun, intimate moments, unrequited love, smell, texture, fabric, song, desire, memory, mixing like never before, for all to see. A daily spectacle, like a village festival. A mela.
It is also narcissistic, a celebration of megalomania, the cannibalism of selfies, a caricature of excess and banality; but that is the nature of the creature. You can’t have it picture perfect
And, yet, the big business big bully media thought police can’t censor information or feelings anymore. Here, you can one enter one hundred years of solitude and magic realism. Dalits are reporting from the bylanes when the TV channels are obsessed with their daily shouting match, prime time. Students are capturing police and ABVP atrocities, proving that they were no ‘clashes’. No one goes to the cops to find out the crowd size – there are videos to prove that. News is becoming pre-news, pre-dated, pre-prime time. All the juice, all the news
Argues Viner: We are no longer the allseeing all-knowing journalists, delivering words from on high for readers to take in, passively, save perhaps an occasional letter to the editor. Digital has wrecked those hierarchies almost overnight, creating a more levelled world, where responses can be instant, where some readers will almost certainly know more about a particular subject than the journalist, where the reader might be better placed to uncover a story…”